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Oregon State Elections Division of the American Patriot Party.

Welcome
to the American Patriot Party National Headquarters Elections Division and
Oregon State Patriot Party State Chapter Elections Division. This is the
Official State of Oregon American Patriots Party, Oregon State Elections
Division of the American Patriot Party Candidates State Center for Elections.
The Party that Defends and Secures the True Definition of Inalienable Rights
through Education of the Laws of the Declaration of Independence and Bill
of Rights. The Oregon State Patriots Party of the American Patriot Party.
CANDIDATES AND ENDORSED CANDIDATES OF
 THE AMERICAN PATRIOT PARTY American Patriot Party Candidate and Candidate Endorsement Form.
Endorsements of the American Patriot Party.
Our
goal is to endorse and establish candidates in government who share our concerns
and represent those stands on issues we have presented.
CANDIDATES AND ENDORSED CANDIDATES: The American Patriot Party of Oregon suggests:
Supporting candidates at all levels that support strict adherence to the
Constitution and Original Intents of the Founding Fathers.
Look for candidates that openly intend to remove the income tax and transfer all federal lands and offices to ownership and control of counties thereby removing the federal leverage and use of mandates placed upon the states.
Note: Wide-Deep Page - Scroll Right to View States, then down to view state candidates; Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions at Top Right.
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Virginia Resolution of 1798
Authors Thomas Jefferson and James Madison:
RESOLVED,
That the General Assembly of Virginia, doth unequivocably express a firm
resolution to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States,
and the Constitution of this State, against every aggression either foreign or domestic, and that they will support "the government" of the United States in all measures "warranted" by "the former".
That this assembly most solemnly declares a warm attachment to the Union of the "States", to maintain which it pledges all its powers; and that for this end, it is their duty to watch over and oppose every infraction of those principles which constitute the "only basis" of that Union, because a faithful observance of them, can alone secure it's existence and the public happiness.
That
this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the
powers of the federal government, as resulting from the compact, to which
the states are parties; as limited by the "plain sense and intention" of the instrument constituting the "compact"; as no further valid that they are authorized by the grants "enumerated" in that compact; and that in
case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not
granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them.
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That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; and that implications have appeared of a "design" to expound certain general "phrases"
(which having been copied from the very limited grant of power, in the former
articles of confederation were the less liable to be misconstrued)
so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular "enumeration"
which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the states by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into an absolute, or at best a mixed monarchy.
That the General Assembly doth particularly protest against the palpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution, in the two late cases of the "Alien and Sedition Acts" passed at the last session of Congress; the first of which exercises a power no where delegated to the federal government, and which by uniting legislative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts the general principles of free government; as well as the particular organization, and positive provisions of the federal constitution; and the other of which acts, exercises in like manner, a power not delegated by the constitution, but on the contrary, expressly and positively forbidden by one of the amendments thereto; a
power, which more than any other, ought to produce universal alarm, because
it is levelled against that right of freely examining public characters and
measures, and of free communication among the people thereon, which has ever
been justly deemed, the only effectual guardian of every other right. |
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That this state having by its Convention, which ratified the federal Constitution, expressly declared, that among other essential rights, "the Liberty of Conscience and of the Press cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified by any authority of the United States," and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophistry or ambition,
having with other states, recommended an amendment for that purpose, which
amendment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution; it would mark a
reproachable inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if an indifference were now shewn, to the most palpable violation of one of the Rights, thus declared and secured; and to the establishment of a precedent which may be fatal to the other.
That the good people of this commonwealth,
having ever felt, and continuing to feel, the most sincere affection for
their brethren of the other states; the truest anxiety for establishing and
perpetuating the union of all; and the most scrupulous fidelity to that constitution,
which is the pledge of mutual friendship, and the instrument of mutual happiness;
the General Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions of the
other states, in confidence that they will concur with this commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid, are unconstitutional; and that the necessary and proper measures will be taken by each, for co-operating with this state, in maintaining the Authorities, Rights, and Liberties, referred to the States respectively, or to the people.
That
the Governor be desired, to transmit a copy of the foregoing Resolutions
to the executive authority of each of the other states, with a request that
the same may be communicated to the Legislature thereof; and that a copy
be furnished to each of the Senators and Representatives representing this
state in the Congress of the United States.
Agreed to by the Senate, December 24, 1798 |
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The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798
Authors Thomas Jefferson and James Madison:
1. Resolved, That the several States composing, the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes — delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force:
that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral part,
its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government
created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of
the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made
its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers;
but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common
judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions
as of the mode and measure of redress. |
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2.
Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to
Congress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current
coin of the United States, piracies, and felonies committed on the high seas,
and offenses against the law of nations, and no other crimes, whatsoever; and it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that "the
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, not prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people," therefore the act of Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and intituled "An Act in addition to the act intituled An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," as also the act passed by them on the — day of June, 1798, intituled "An Act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the United States,"
(and all their other acts which assume to create, define, or punish crimes,
other than those so enumerated in the Constitution,) are altogether void, and of no force; and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and, of right, appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory. |
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3.
Resolved, That it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared
by one of the amendments to the Constitutions, that "the
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, our prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people"; and that no
power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the
press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people:
that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the
right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may
be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses
which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated, rather than the use be destroyed.
And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of
the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves
the
right of protecting the same, as this State, by a law passed on the general
demand of its citizens, had already protected them from all human restraint
or interference.
And that in addition to this general principle and express declaration, another
and more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the
Constitution, which expressly declares, that "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press": thereby guarding
in the same sentence, and under the same words, the freedom of religion,
of speech, and of the press: insomuch, that
whatever violated either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others,
arid that libels, falsehood, and defamation, equally with heresy and false
religion, are withheld from the cognizance of federal tribunals.
That, therefore, the act of Congress of the United States, passed on the
14th day of July, 1798, intituled "An Act in addition to the act intituled
An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," which
does abridge the freedom of the press, is not law, but is altogether void, and of no force. |
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4. Resolved, That alien friends are under the jurisdiction and protection of the laws of the State wherein they are:
that no power over them has been delegated to the United States, nor prohibited
to the individual States, distinct from their power over citizens.
And it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the
Constitution having also declared, that "the powers not delegated to the
United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are
reserved to the States respectively, or to the people," the act of the Congress
of the United States, passed on the — day of July, 1798, intituled "An Act concerning aliens," which assumes powers over alien friends, not delegated by the Constitution, is not law, but is altogether void, and of no force
5. Resolved. That in addition to the general principle, as well as the express declaration, that powers not delegated are reserved,
another and more special provision, inserted in the Constitution from abundant
caution, has declared that "the migration or importation of such persons
as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not
be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808" that this commonwealth
does admit the migration of alien friends, described as the subject of the
said act concerning aliens: that a provision against prohibiting their migration,
is a provision against all acts equivalent thereto, or it would be nugatory: that to remove them when migrated, is equivalent to a prohibition of their migration, and is, therefore, contrary to the said provision of the Constitution, and void |
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6. Resolved, That the imprisonment of a person under the protection of the laws of this commonwealth,
on his failure to obey the simple order of the President to depart out of
the United States, as is undertaken by said act intituled "An
Act concerning aliens" is contrary to the Constitution, one amendment to
which has provided that "no person shalt be deprived of liberty without due
progress of law"; and that another having provided that "in all criminal
prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to public trial by an impartial
jury, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted
with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining
witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense;" the
same act, undertaking to authorize the President to remove a person out of
the United States, who is under the protection of the law, on his own suspicion,
without accusation, without jury, without public trial, without confrontation
of the witnesses against him, without heating witnesses in his favor, without
defense, without counsel, is contrary to the provision also of the Constitution,
is therefore not law, but utterly void, and of no force: that transferring
the power of judging any person, who is under the protection of the laws
from the courts, to the President of the United States, as is undertaken
by the same act concerning aliens, is against the article of the Constitution
which provides that "the judicial power of the United States shall be vested
in courts, the judges of which shall hold their offices during good behavior"; and that the said act is void for that reason also.
And it is further to be noted, that this transfer of judiciary power is to
that magistrate of the general government who already possesses all the Executive,
and a negative on all Legislative powers. |
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7.
Resolved, That the construction applied by the General Government (as is
evidenced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution
of the United States which delegate to Congress a power "to lay and collect
taxes, duties, imports, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the
common defense and general welfare of the United States," and "to make all
laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution, the
powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States,
or in any department or officer thereof," goes
to the destruction of all limits prescribed to their powers by the Constitution:
that words meant by the instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution
of limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part to be so taken as to destroy the whole residue of that instrument:
that the proceedings of the General Government under color of these articles,
will be a fit and necessary subject of revisal and correction, at a time
of greater tranquillity, while those specified in the preceding resolutions
call for immediate redress.. |
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8th.
Resolved, That a committee of conference and correspondence be appointed,
who shall have in charge to communicate the preceding resolutions to the
Legislatures of the several States: to
assure them that this commonwealth continues in the same esteem of their
friendship and union which it has manifested from that moment at which a
common danger first suggested a common union: that it considers union, for
specified national purposes, and particularly to those specified in their
late federal compact, to be friendly, to the peace, happiness and prosperity
of all the States:
that faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent and meaning
in which it was understood and acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely
anxious for its preservation: that
it does also believe, that to take from the States all the powers of self-government
and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard
to the special delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact,
is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these States; and that therefore
this commonwealth is determined, as it doubts not its co-States are, to submit
to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men
on earth: that
in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general
government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the
constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been
delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that
without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited,
of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them:
that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect
for its co States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that
with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to
the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers
exercised under it, |
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Congress being not
a party, but merely the creature of the compact, and subject as to its assumptions
of power to the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use itself
and its powers were all created and modified: that if the acts before specified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them; that
the general government may place any act they think proper on the list of
crimes and punish it themselves whether enumerated or not enumerated by the
constitution as cognizable by them: that they may transfer its cognizance
to the President, or any other person, who may himself be the accuser, counsel,
judge and jury, whose suspicions may be the evidence, his order the sentence,
his officer the executioner, and his breast the sole record of the transaction:
that a very numerous and valuable description of the inhabitants of these
States being, by this precedent, reduced, as outlaws, to the absolute dominion
of one man, and the barrier of the Constitution thus swept away from us all,
no ramparts now remains against the passions and the powers of a majority
in Congress to protect from a like exportation, or other more grievous punishment,
the minority of the same body, the legislatures, judges, governors and counsellors
of the States, nor their other peaceable inhabitants, who may venture to
reclaim the constitutional rights and liberties of the States and people,
or who for other causes, good or bad, may be obnoxious to the views, or marked
by the suspicions of the President, or be thought dangerous to his or their
election, or other interests, public or personal; |
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that the friendless alien
has indeed been selected as the safest subject of a first experiment; but
the citizen will soon follow, or rather, has already followed, for already has a sedition act marked him as its prey: that these and successive acts of the same character, unless arrested at the threshold, necessarily
drive these States into revolution and blood and will furnish new calumnies
against republican government, and new pretexts for those who wish it to
be believed that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron: that it would
be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence
our fears for the safety of our rights: that confidence is everywhere the
parent of despotism — free government is founded in jealousy, and not in
confidence; it
is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions, to
bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power: that our Constitution
has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no further, our confidence
may go; and let the honest advocate of confidence read the Alien and Sedition acts, and say if the Constitution has not been wise in fixing limits to the government it created, and whether we should be wise in destroying those limits,
Let him say what the government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men
of our choice have con erred on our President, and the President of our choice
has assented to, and accepted over the friendly stranger to whom the mild
spirit of our country and its law have pledged hospitality and protection:
that the men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicion of the
President, than the solid right of innocence, the claims of justification,
the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of law and justice.
In questions of powers, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man,
but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution. |
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That this commonwealth
does therefore call on its co-States for an expression of their sentiments
on the acts concerning aliens and for the punishment of certain crimes herein
before specified, plainly declaring whether these acts are or are not authorized
by the federal compact. And it doubts not that their sense will be so announced
as to prove their attachment unaltered to limited government, weather general
or particular. And that the rights and liberties of their co-States will
be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked in a common bottom with their
own. That
they will concur with this commonwealth in considering the said acts as so
palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration
that that compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General
Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, of
all powers whatsoever: that they will view this as seizing the rights
of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government,
with a power assumed to bind the States (not merely as the cases made federal, casus fœderis but), in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent: that this would
be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, and live under one
deriving its powers from its own will, and not from our authority; and that the co-States, recurring to their natural right in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these acts void, and of no force, and will
each take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts, nor
any others of the General Government not plainly and intentionally authorized
by the Constitution, shalt be exercised within their respective territories.
9th.
Resolved, That the said committee be authorized to communicate by writing
or personal conference, at any times or places whatever, with any person
or persons who may be appointed by any one or more co-States to correspond
or confer with them; and that they lay their proceedings before the next
session of Assembly |
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